The Standard American-English

The Standard American- faceAmerican position the resemblings ofwise cognise as United States incline, or U.S. incline) is a set of dialects of the side of meat lyric poem utilise nearly in the United States. Approximately two thirds of inseparable speakers of incline live in the United States.2 face is the most vernacular diction in the United States. Though the U.S. federal government has no official lyric, English is call uped the de facto, in practice nevertheless non needs ordained by law, language of the United States beca exp remainder of its widespread use. English has been wedded official status by 30 of the 50 defer governments.3 there ar no official rules for Standard English because, un manage roughly different languages, English does not throw a lingual system of rules body such as the Accademia della Crusca, Real Academia Espaola, the Acadmie franaise or the Dansk Sprognvn to open usage.The English language, which originated in England, is now verbalise as a basic or endorse language in few countries of the gentleman, each of which has demonstrable mavin or more national standards of orthoepy, grammar, vocabulary, and spelling.As the result of diachronic migrations of English-speaking populations and colonization, and the predominant use of English as the international language of trade and commerce (lingua franca), English has withal become the most astray- employ second language,1 and is therefore subject to alteration by non-native speakers. Numerous non-native dialects ar evolution their own standards- those, for example, of English language publications published in countries where English is mainly learned as a foreign language.citation needed In countries where English is every not a native language or is not widely spoken, a native variant (typic eithery British English or northmost American English) might be considered standard for get winding purposes.2.The effects of local anaesthetic nat ive languages on the creation of Creoles or pidgins draw contributed to the evolution of the many local and regional varieties of English. But they were not considered to be part of the language until the people that spoke them said that they should be.African American Vernacular EnglishAfrican American Vernacular English (AAVE is an African American intermixture (dialect) of American English. Non-linguists sometimes call it Ebonics (a term that also has other meanings or strong connotations) or jive or jive-talk. Its pronunciation is, in some respects, common to Southern American English, which is spoken by many African Americans and many non-African Americans in the United States. There is little regional var. among speakers of AAVE.1 Several creolists, such as William Stewart argue that AAVE shares so many characteristics with creole dialects spoken by black people in much of the world that AAVE itself is a creole. On the other hand, others maintain that there are no significa nt parallels.234567 As with all linguistic physiques, its usage is yieldd by age, status, result and setting. There are many literary uses of this variety of English, particularly in African-American literature.AAVE implys many of characteristics of other nglish language-forms spoken by people throughout much of the world. AAVE shares pronunciation, grammatical structures, and vocabulary in common with various western African languages.8Many features of AAVE are shared with English dialects spoken in the American South. While these are mostly regionalisms (i.e. originating from the dialect commonly spoken in the area, regardless of color), a number of them-such as the deletion of is-are utilise much more frequently by black speakers, signaling that they have their origins in black speech.9 The traits of AAVE that separate it from Standard American English (SAE) includechanges in pronunciation along definable patterns, many of which are found in creoles and dialects of other p opulations of westernmost African descent (but which also emerge in English dialects that whitethorn be uninfluenced by West African languages, such as Newfoundland English)distinctive vocabulary andthe distinctive use of verb tenses. phonology of African American EnglishThe arise uniformity of AAVE pronunciation, despite big geographic area, may be due in part to relatively recent migrations of African Americans out of the South as well as to long-term racial segregation.19 Phonological features that set AAVE apart from forms of Standard English (such as General American) include Word-final devoicing of /b/, /d/, and //, whereby for example laddie wholesomes like cup.20 Reduction of real diphthong forms to monophthongs, in particular, /a/ is monophthongized to a (this is also a feature of many Southern American English dialects). The vowel sound in boil (// in Standard English) is also monophthongized, especially in the first place /l/, making it indistinguishable from ball .21 (This is also characteristic of some sinlessness speakers from eastern Arkansas, and the vowel is actually the very(prenominal) as that in file, as shown by the transcription of American folksong lyrics, Bile em twinge Down, in Standard English, Boil Those Cabbages Down (see Bransonvague).) AAVE speakers may not use the dental fricatives (the th in thin) and (the th of then) that are present in SE. The actual alternative phone used depends on the sounds position in a moderns.22 (This, too, is a common substitution is many regional dialects, including part of the South, and in New York, as readily heard in movies and telecasting shows set in these areas.) Word-initially, // is normally the alike(p) as in SE (so thin is n). Word-initially, // is d (so this is ds). Word-medially and -finally, // is realized as either f or t (so mmf or mnt for month) // as either v or d (so smuv for smooth). acknowledgement of final ng //, the velar nasal, as the alveolar nasal n in functi on morphemes and content morphemes with two syllables like -ing, e.g. tripping is say as trippin. This change does not occur in one-syllable content morphemes such as sing, which is s and not sn. However, singing is sn. Other examples include wedding wn, morning mnn, nothing nfn. Realization of // as n in these contexts is commonly found in many other English dialects.23 Such substitutions are so common throughout the American South that, for example, a sign urging customers to enter a interject in Greenville, Texas, was printed, Dont just be setten, come on in (1985).citation neededgrammatic aspect marking for African American EnglishExample call forthSAE Meaning / NotesHe workin.Simple progressiveHe is working currently.He be workin.Habitual/continuative aspectHe works frequently or habitually. Better illustrated with He be workin Tuesdays.He stay workin.Intensified continuative (habitual)He is al federal agencys working.He steady workin.Intensified continuative (not habitua l)He keeps on working.He been workin.Perfect progressiveHe has been working.He been had that job.Remote phase (see below)He has had that job for a long time and still has it.He make worked.Emphasized perfectiveHe has worked. Syntactically, He worked is valid, but done is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.34He finna go to work.Immediate coming(prenominal)He is about to go to work. Finna is a contraction of fixing to though is also be dwellved to show residual influence of would fain (to), which persisted beyond the deeply 16th century in some inelegant dialects spoken in the Carolinas (near the Gullah region). Fittin to is commonly thought to be another form of the original fixin (fixing) to, and it is also heard as fitna, fidna, fixna, finto, and finsta.35I was walkin home, and I had worked all day.Preterite narration.Had is used to emphasize complicating points of narration. Although similar in form, it is not semantically equivalent to the previous(prenomin al) perfect. As its name suggests, it is a preterite, or simple past, form.Affects of African American English in the ClassroomThe Oakland resolution declared that AAVE was not English or even an Indo-European language, asserting that the speech of black children belonged to West and Niger-Congo languages and are not merely dialects of English.64 This claim is inconsistent with the current linguistic treatment of AAVE as a dialect of English and thus of Indo-European origin. Also, the differences mingled with modern AAVE and Standard English are nowhere near as great as those amongst French and Haitian Creole, which are considered separate languages. The resolution was widely misunderstood as an intention to teach AAVE and elevate it to the status of a create verbally language.65 It gained national attention and was derided and criticized, most notably by Jesse Jackson and Kweisi Mfume who regarded it as an attempt to teach adopt to children.66 The statement that African Languag e Systems are genetically based also contributed to widespread hostility because genetically was popularly misunderstood to imply that African Americans had a biological predisposition to a particular language.67 In an amend resolution, this phrase was removed and replaced with formu belateding that states African American language systems have origins in West and Niger-Congo languages and are not merely dialects of English.68Chicano EnglishChicano English is a dialect of American English used by Chicanos. adept major form of Chicano English is Tejano English, used mainly in siemens Texas. It is mistakenly referred to asSpanglish, which is not a recognized dialect of English but rather a mixing of the Spanish and English languages.Phonological featuresChicano English has many features, especially in the phonology, that show the influence of Spanish.Consonants variations The devoicing of z in all environments Examples isi for easy and ws for was. The devoicing of v in word-final position Examples lf for love, hf for have, and wajfs for wives. Chicano speakers may pronounce /b/ preferably of /v/ Examples very bi, invite imbajt. Absence of dental fricatives so that conceptualise may be pronounced tik, fik or sik. Poor distinction between /j/ and /d/ so that job may sound like yob and yes may sound like jes. Poor distinction of nasals in the syllable coda so that seen and seem are pronounced alike. /t/ merges with // so sheep and cheap are pronounced alikeVowels variations Chicano English speakers merge and , so man and men are homophonous. and i merge into i so ship and sheep are pronounced like the latter.Final consonant deletionOnly certain consonants occur at the end of words. All other single consonants in English would thus be unfamiliar to Chicano English speakers in this environment. close becomes mos Felt becomes fell, Startbecomesstar.Hawaiian EnglishPidgin (or Hawaiian Creole) originated as a form of speech between English speaking residents a nd non-English speaking immigrants in Hawaii.4 It supplanted the pidgin Hawaiian used on the plantations and elsewhere in Hawaii. It has been influenced by many languages, including Portuguese, Hawaiian, and Cantonese. As people of other language backgrounds were brought in to work on the plantations, such as Japanese, Filipinos, and Koreans, Pidgin acquired words from these languages. Japanese loan-words in Hawaii lists some of those words originally from Japanese. It has also been influenced to a lesser degree by Spanish spoken by Mexican and Puerto Rican settlers in Hawaii.Presently, Pidgin still retains some influences from these languages. For example, the word stay in Pidgin has a form and use similar to the Portuguese verb estar, which means to be but is used when referring to a temporary state or location. At times, the structure of the language is like that of Portuguese grammar. For example, You like one knife? means Would you like a knife?. The modestness why the word on e is used instead of a is because the word um in Portuguese has two meanings um infers to one and a in English. The way people use the phrase No can (no pode) is Portuguese grammar, as well. In Portuguese, the phrase Voc no pode fazer isso comes out in Pidgin as You no can do dat, and in English as You cannot do thatPidgin words derived from Cantonese are also spoken in other parts of the United States. For example, the word Haa? is also used by Chinese Americans outside of Hawaii. The meaning is Excuse me? or What did you say?. other word is chop suey, a popular dish throughout America. In Hawaii, it can also mean that someone is a variety of ethnicities. other word in pidgin that was derived from the Chinese which is also seen in America is lie dat, which means like that but in Hawaii it is pronounced lidat.citation neededIn the 19th and 20th centuries, Pidgin jump-started to be used outside the plantation between ethnic groups. habitual school children learned Pidgin from th eir classmates, and eventually it became the primary language of most people in Hawaii, replacing the original languages. For this reason, linguists generally consider Hawaiian Pidgin to be a creole language.PronunciationPidgin has distinct pronunciation differences from standard American English (SAE). several(prenominal) key differences include the chase Pidgins general rhythm is syllable-timed, meaning syllables take up roughly the same amount of time with roughly the same amount of stress. Standard American English is stress-timed, meaning that only stressed syllables are evenly timed. Some Western languages, including English, are stress-timed, while most Romance and East Asian languages are syllable timed. Many pronunciation features are shared with other colloquial language forms or pidgins/creoles from other parts of the world. Even when a somebody is speaking Standard English, they will tend to pronounce syllables in the same manner, and this is a lot considered as havi ng a local or Hawaiian accent. The cushy and unvoiced th sounds are replaced by d or t respectively-that is, changed from a fricative to a plosive (stop). For instance, that (voiced th) becomes dat, and think(unvoiced th) becomes tink. The sound l at the end of a word is often pronounced o or ol. For instance, mental is often pronounced mento people is pronounced peepo. Pidgin is non-rhotic. That is, r aft(prenominal) a vowel is often omitted, similar to many dialects, such as Eastern New England, Australian English, and English English variants. For instance, caris often pronounced cah, and letter is pronounced letta. Intrusive r is also used. The number of Hawaiian Pidgin speakers with rhotic English has also been increasing. Falling intonation is used at the end of questions. This feature appears to be from Hawaiian, and is shared with some other languages, including Fijian. The distinctive pronunciation of Hawaiian Creole is sometimes called Portagee. The exact reason for this is unknown, as the across-the-board extent of the Portuguese contribution to local pidgin modes of speech and vocabularies was probably not great, compared to the Chinese, Hawaiian or Japanese inputs over the years. The Portuguese arrived rather late to The Islands compared to others, and Pidgin was well established by then, especially in the countryside. One doable reason may be the position of authority the Portuguese often had in plantation life as overseers and so on, although what exactly this data link may have been is unclear.How difficulties/limitations become barriers to assistance and how they affect further knowledge in English, especially in writingMany linguists and instructors claim that written English, as the lingua franca of international business, is evasive and deceptive. SAE speakers in the dominant (primarily middle-class EuroAmerican) grow readily grasp the subtle signals of standard English, whether spoken or written. But children from minority and lowe r SES groups who speak a dialect of English often do not learn, at an early age, the subtle codes of SAE. As a result, they are often at a disadvantage when it comes to right away deciphering the implicit cognitive meanings associated with words, phases, and grammatical structures in SAE. Moreover, their body language sometimes contrasts markedly with that of middle class Whites in their age group. The correlation between the lack of mastering SAE and low mean IQ scores in African Americans is well documented. Language skills enter the equation as one of the most profound mediating variables in determining intelligence operation get alongance, or IQ scores (note that intelligence performance is not necessarily tantamount to immanent intelligence). Behavioral geneticists have argued that African American children reared in the dominant Euro-American culture or adopted into Euro-American families become more familiar with the subjects of school and intelligence tests. As a result of their early exposure to SAE, these children tend to perform on par with White children adopted into higher SES families.Because of its deviation from SAE, melanise English Vernacular can be (but does not have to be) a severe impediment to literacy and to understanding basic concepts, even those taught in primary(a) school. And it puts up a barrier to grasping the fundamentals of inductive thinking, sure enough a prerequisite for learning science. However, students cannot overcome the limitations of Ebonics as a communication theory device in writing unless their teachers are able to effectively fork up (both for themselves and their students) Black English Vernacular into standard English (and vice versa) and translate not only words and phrases, but also concepts and cognitive structures.Limitations substitute amongst the dialects. For example, fewer obstacles exist for L1 speakers of Chicano English than for those whose L1 is Black English Vernacular.Some suggest that wh en teachers realize that Black English Vernacular is in fact a distinct variant of the English language, composed of a systematic grammar and sentence structure , they will consequently acquire an appreciation for the origins and principle features of this dialect. Hence, these teachers will be less inclined to disrespect Black students, and less likely to check off them as ignorant and cognitively impaired.If teacher appreciation and, by implication, teacher effectiveness lie at the crux of the Ebonics issue in the Oakland Public Schools, then indeed this issue has merit.Negative attitudes about speech start with the belief that vernacular dialects are linguistically inferior to standard versions of the language. In fact, the language systems of various groups of speakers may differ, but no one system is inherently better than any other. Research clearly supports the position that variation in language is a natural reflection of cultural and confederation differences (Labov, 197 2).Despite linguistic equality among dialects, students language and cultural backgrounds may influence their chances for success. When children from nonmainstream backgrounds enter school, they are confronted with new ways of viewing the world and new ways of behaving. Uses of language, both oral and written, are centrally involved in this new culture (Farr Daniels, 1986). Many studies addressing Chicano youth have found a detailed account of language and culture patterns in various rural working class communities. This, many claim, demonstrates clearly the conflict between language and cultural practices in the community and in the school. To move toward school expectations, children may have to adapt to language structures and patterns of usage that are different from those they have been using for example, saying or writing They dont have any instead of They dont have none in school settings.